Getting A Gun in New York
Two years ago while
preparing to deliver a lecture at Purchase College, the State University of New York on ‘Gun Violence in America’ I
decided to see what it would take for me to legally acquire a gun in Westchester
County, New York, where I live. The first step in the process involved signing
up for a National Rifle Association gun safety course costing $120 dollars,
plus $15 for NRA study material. I had
to register at the range in-person and present a valid photo ID, which also had
to be carried when attending class. The course was taught by two NRA certified
instructors who covered rules for safe gun handling which included
keeping it unloaded until ready to use, keeping one’s finger off the trigger until
ready to shoot, keeping the barrel pointed in a safe direction as dictated by
the situation, safe storage, the characteristics of different types of guns,
and local carry laws. After taking a paper and pencil exam in the last class I was given a certificate attesting to the
fact that had completed the course with a ‘Written NRA test score’ of 94. The certificate
bore the instructor’s notary-like seal and was no good without it.
The next stop
was the County Police Pistol License Unit where I was given two sets of forms and a 32-page manual, Pistol
License Safety and Information Handbook for Westchester County. One set of forms was for character references, the other was a multipage ‘Background
Investigation Worksheet’ which sought standard information such as present and
past addresses and employment status, but also contained a series of questions asking
whether I had ever been treated for substance abuse or mental illness, whether
a court Order of Protection had ever been issued against me or for me, and
whether I had ever been arrested or charged with a crime. There were also forms
requiring my notarized signature authorizing the County Police to do a criminal
background check on me and have the State Department of Mental Hygiene conduct a search of their records for my name.
I had my character references fill out their forms and affix their notarized
signatures, and I identified the gun for which I would seek a license, either a
15-shot Smith and Wesson or a 17-shot
Glock. I could have requested a ‘full carry’ license or one for premises only
or employment only, but ultimately the Licensing Officer retained the discretion
to restrict the purpose of possession to such activities as target shooting or hunting. I indicated on a
form that I would use my gun for target shooting.
The only
remaining step was to hand in the notarized character references, and the
‘Background Investigation’ forms along with proof of residence and citizenship,
information about the gun, and the training certificate establishing that I had
taken and passed the NRA course, but
that is as far as I went. I went
through all of the steps in the licensing process because I wanted to be able
to speak more authoritatively on that aspect of the larger issue of guns in American society, not because I felt
a personal need to own one. There is
absolutely no question that had I
submitted the paper work I would have been licensed and would have had the
legal right to own a gun in New York.
Based on this
experience I would say the following about the process in New York and about
the larger issue of gun regulation in the United States? Let me address these
matters in terms of a series of questions and answers.
1. Did I have a constitutional right to be
licensed to own a gun?
In a
5-4 decision in the Heller
case, decided in, 2008, the Supreme
Court overturned decades of prior court
decisions and said “yes”
2. Did New York violate my constitutional right
to own a gun by requiring that I jump through a series of hoops—time, money, copious paper work---in
order to enjoy this right?
No it did not.. No constitutional right necessarily comes
without restrictions. The right to vote
is fundamental, but states surround the exercise of that right with a number of
regulations legitimately intended to maintain the integrity of the democratic
process. The First Amendment “free speech” clause does not give anyone the
right to deal in child pornography nor,
as Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendall Holmes famously wrote in the Schenk
case, does free speech mean the right to shout ‘fire’ in a crowded theater when there
is no fire. In other words the state can
impose reasonable restrictions on the exercise of a constitutional right
when those restrictions are crucial to public safety and welfare.
3.
Are gun regulations necessary to public safety
and welfare?
The
answer unequivocally is ‘yes’. Viewed as a public health issue guns cause in
access of 30,000 deaths a year, unrelated to crime prevention or self defense,
and an additional, estimated 200,000 injuries. The presence of firearms,
acknowledged as a constitutional right, nevertheless imposes enormous costs on the society by exposing
much of the population to potentially lethal danger. Obviously, society has a
right and a duty to require adherence to reasonable regulation in exchange for
the exercise of that right.
4.
Are New York regulations a model for the nation?
The answer is ‘yes’ and ‘no’. New
York is a tough state in terms of access to firearms. In some states guns can be bought as easily as buying a six pack
of beer. But, on the other hand, New York is not tough enough. I would surely
have been licensed had I submitted the paper work, but should not have been. I
have used firearms in the past for hunting and target practice, but in
circumstances in which there were experienced hunters around or army
instructors. Put simply, the training course was not rigorous enough, through
no fault of the instructors. They taught what they were expected to teach. There
are calls in the national debate for universal mental health, criminal history,
and civil misbehavior background checks for would-be gun owners. Westchester
County already does these things and is to be commended, but it is not enough. Serious federally-mandated regulations should go
beyond what is done in a tough state like New York and embrace at least the
following without violating any one’s constitutional rights:
A.
Seriously rigorous mandatory classes in gun
safety and use, and
B.
mandatory background checks whether the firearm is purchased from a
licensed dealer or purchased privately (presently private sales do not require
background checks).
C.
Technical and definitional issues complicate designating
certain classes of firearms as ‘assault weapons’ but serious legislators can overcome these and ban civilian possession of weapons, clips,
and magazines meant primarily for mass killing.
D.
The assault weapons ban in effect from 1994 to
2004 left thousands of high-powered guns in private hands. New legislation should contain a federal
‘buy-back’ program for assault weapons presently in civilian hands.
E. States
with lax gun laws presently impose enormous costs on
states with tough gun laws given that much of the gun mayhem in tough states involves
weapons brought in from easy states. Tough states might consider bringing suit
in federal court for recovery of money
damages and, if successful, might provide an incentive to easy states to
toughen their laws in order to avoid the financial hit from failing to do so.
Constitutional
rights, properly exercised, enhanced the collective good: more people are able
to vote; more people contribute to
public discourse by speaking freely; more people enjoy equity in the work place. On the other hand, a
conception of ‘rights’ that decreases
the collective good by making it more likely that innocent citizens will be
gunned down in malls, movie theaters, schools, churches or other ‘safe’ places is
an affront to the Constitution and those who died defending it.